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PATTERN OF FERTILITY RATES AND FEMALE LABOUR FORCE
PARTICIPATION IN MANIPUR
Wahengbam Ranbir Singh1 & Oinam Premchand Meitei2
1Medical Social Worker, Department of Community Medicine, Regional Institute of Medical
Sciences, Imphal, Manipur, India, 2Research Scholar, Department of Economics, Manipur
University, Canchipur, Imphal, Manipur, India
Correspondence: Wahengbam Ranbir Singh, e-mail: w.ranbir@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
Background: Each emerging country’s fertility rate is falling, and as a result, female labor force
participation has shifted. The role of women in achieving the demographic dividend is a problem
that emerging countries must address. As a result, in order to reap the benefits from the
demographic dividend, gender equality in the workplace must be prioritized. Aim: To study the
association between the fertility rate and female work participation in Manipur. Methods and
Materials: The Indian Census across the years 1991 to 2011 was accessed, and the descriptive
statistics were employed. Results: It was found that among the main workers, Manipur (13.06%)
had a substantially lower proportion of the 10-15 years age group than India (35.35%) in 1991,
implying that premature married women were more widespread in India than in Manipur. Married
women who did not work (housewives) increased further throughout all census years in Manipur
(5.47%) and India (14.19%). The main workers were often more concentrated in urban areas
than in rural areas in both Manipur and India, indicating that there are more job prospects in
urban areas. From 1991 to 2011, Manipur and India saw a general trend of dropping fertility
rates across all age groups and economic activity categories. Conclusion: The female labour
participation rate is very low when compared to many advanced economies, showing that there
is still tremendous space for growth in terms of gender equality and women’s economic
empowerment.
Keywords: Fertility rate; Female work participation rate; Demographic dividend; Northeast India;
Gender equality
INTRODUCTION
The fertility level of each developing country
is declining, and as a result, there has been
a change in the behaviour of females to
participate in the labour force. Women’s role
in gaining the opportunity for the demographic
dividend is an issue that is pertinent to
developing countries. The population boom in
working-age individuals has resulted in a rise
in the labour force participation rate during
the demographic transition caused by the drop
in the fertility rate. In addition, there is also
an increase in the number of women
participating in the labour force due to the
smaller family size brought up by the dropping
fertility rate (Torres, 2015). Women’s
involvement in the workforce has contributed positively t o the Gross Domestic Product
(Aydin et al., 2019). As much as 12.2 percent
more GDP may be generated if gender
differences in labour force participation were
reduced (Marone, 2016). Therefore, to reap
the benefits of the demographic dividend,
gender equality in the workforce needs to be
given particular attention.
Theoretical Concepts and Assessment of Sources
Variations in fertility rates cause differences
in population growth rates and age-structured
population scenarios among countries. There
may be an increase in the working-age
population, but there will be an imbalance in
numbers between men and women. Again,
there would be an uneven distribution of
people entering the labour force. A higher
level of female labour force involvement in
an economy may provide a more significant
advantage in capturing the demographic
dividend. To this, Wodon et al. (2020) stated
that “if women were earning as much as men,
women’s human capital wealth could increase
by more than half globally ……”. Hence,
disparities in women’s employment rates may
contribute to the differences in economic
growth rates among nations. Higher economic
growth for a country depends on a higher
participation rate of females. Narrowing the
gap in labour force participation between
males and females will boost economic
growth.
Besides, the differences in education level
attained by females and the fertility level
acquired may impact women’s participation
in the workforce. A woman’s entry into the
workforce depends on how many children she
has. There is a long-run co-integration
between the female labour force participation
rate and total fertility rate, and both influence
each other through the interaction effect of
female age at first marriage, per capita gross
domestic product, and infant mortality rate (Ali
& Dhillon, 2022). Attracting more women into
the labour force requires equal access to
education and the opportunity to gain the
skills necessary to compete in the labour
market.
However, they face certain challenges in
attaining decent work. How they are engaged
in the labour force and how their unique
values and constraints must be assessed to
get the opportunity of demographic dividends
are now issues.
Empirical Evidences
Numerous scholars have attempted to assess
the connection between fertility and female
labour force participation globally. Most of the
analysis remarks a significant connection
between fertility and the employment of
women influenced by other auxiliary variables
(Ahn and Mira, 2000, and Majbouri,2019).
Fertility plays a significant role in women’s
decisions to enter the labour market, with a
negative impact on female labor force
participation overstated when fertility is not
considered (Ukil, 2015). Having a third child
or more has an unfavorable effect on labor
market participation, with an average
decrease of 7.4 percentage points. This can
lead to poverty traps and economic inequality
for low-skilled women in informal employment
(Tumen & Turan, 2020). Role Incompatibility
Approach articulates that there is an inverse
relationship between female employment and
fertility, only in a condition where the trade
off between a mother’s duty and work is not
accommodated duly (Mason & Palan, 1981).
However, fertility and employment positively
correlate when the economies have limited
employment chances. As the rate of women
finding jobs rises, the direction of the
association between employment ratios and
fertility rates across nations may vary (Fang
et al.,2013; Krishnan, 1991).
The decline in fertility reduces population
growth and increases the ratio of working age to the total population, augmenting female
labour force participation. Fertility hurts
female labour force participation largely in the
age 20-39, but persistent cohort participation
exists over time (Bloom et al., 2007).
Economic growth in developing nations
encourages women to enter the labour force
only when labour market regulations actively
support women’s entry (Luci, 2009). On the
other hand, entitlement to social security
benefits, having children in the home, and
long-term illness all reduced participation.
Patriarchal household cultures adversely
impact the participation and productivity of
women in the workforce. However, the
outcome varies somewhat according to the
type of job and the work site (urban vs. rural)
(Sarkhel & Mukherjee, 2014). A tactic to
lessen the “double burden” of work for women
appears to be decreased labour participation
and growing income levels. The patriarchal
society restricts women’s options to home
pursuits rather than paid employment by
elevating domestic activities and stigmatizing
paid jobs (Abraham, 2013).
Fertility and education also significantly
influence the degree of female labour force
participation. Higher-educated women have
fewer offspring than lower-educated women
in both developed and developing nations
(Kim, 2016). Thus, female education has a
positive effect, and the fertility rate has a
negative effect on female labour force
participation (Altuzarra et.al, 2019). Both
personal choices and policy influence
women’s decisions to labour on the extensive
and intensive margins.
Many earlier studies also highlighted the
association between fertility and types of
employment (Kinoshita & Guo, 2015; Aydin et
al., 2019). And other studies also addressed
the relationship between fertility, wage,
religion, and female labour force participation
worldwide (Siegel, 2012; Fatima & Sultana,
2009; Abdou & Shalaby, 2019; Alam et al.,
2018)
Indian context
Despite significant economic growth, the
proportion of Indian women working in
domestic, non-remunerative occupations has
risen, while India’s FLFP has fallen since the
1980s (Afridi et al., 2018; Chaudhary & Verick,
2014). In India, women’s labor force
involvement and fertility are not entirely
associated. The long-run co-integration of
female labor force participation rate and total
fertility rate is influenced by the interaction
impact of female age at first marriage, per
capita GDP, and infant mortality rate (Ali &
Dhillon, 2022). Tiwari et al. (2022) argue that
increasing the number of children born
decreases income and female labor force
participation in India by analyzing the
influence of intertemporal fluctuations in
reproductive behaviour on outcomes for
women in the labour market. The data shows
that women with more than three children had
a 3.5% higher likelihood of exiting the labor
force than their counterparts with two or
fewer children. Again, on segmented analyses
by caste, economic status, educational status,
and region, the probability of leaving the labor
force due to changes in fertility varies by
region, and it was higher for non-poor women
with primary to secondary education and
those from socially disadvantaged castes than
for poor, uneducated, and socially
advantageous women. Mahapatro (2013),
who investigated the causes of the decline in
female labor force participation in India,
found that changes in age and time can explain
a major drop in labour force participation.
Women’s labor-force participation has been
declining across all ages and educational
levels. Longer educational duration tends to
reduce female engagement in younger
generations. Workforce participation rates
were strongly connected with socioeconomic
and demographic criteria other than gender, such as age, education, caste, religion, place
of residence, family size, etc. These
considerations must be considered to fully
reap the benefits of the region’s demographic
dividend (Mawkhlieng & Algur, 2021). These
studies show that reducing fertility alone will
not enhance female labor force participation
in India.
In the last 25 years, female labour force
participation in India has declined. Between
1983–1984 and 2011–2012, India’s female
labour force participation rate fell by 25%
(Lahoti & Swaminathan, 2013). This drop in
female LFPR can be explained mainly by
increases in the education levels of women
and men in their households (Afridi et al.,
2018).
The employment transition of Indian women
of working age not only left the workforce at
a concerning rate, but they were also
participating in it less. According to Sarkar et
al. (2017), women’s entry and leave
possibilities decrease when the income of
other household members increases. The
critical discovery that household wealth and
income have a major impact may help explain
why, despite economic progress, female
labour force participation may not rise over
time. Furthermore, the study discovers that
a sizable public workfare program
considerably lowers the rate women leave the
workforce.
On the other hand, given that institutional
childcare is practically non-existent in Indian
society, Das & Zumbyte (2017) claimed that
women’s job decisions are increasingly being
influenced by the issue of caring for little
children. So, mothers’ employment was
negatively impacted by having small children
at home, a worsening trend. Additionally,
having older children and women over 50
years was positively correlated with women’s
employment. As such, Sorsa et al. (2015)
exclaimed that there was a negative
correlation between female labour force
participation and income and education levels
of the women. In this regard, apart from a
dearth of jobs, their study proclaimed that
societal and cultural restrictions hinder
women from joining the workforce.
Infrastructural constraints, financial
accessibility, labour laws, and rural
employment programs are additional variables
that persist in the issue.
North-Eastern States context
When comparing the average position of
women across India to that of the North
Eastern area, Das (2013) concluded that
women in the region had a better overall
situation than women across the country. The
indicators depicted that women’s freedom of
mobility, self-control, and power to impact
change in NER were severely limited. The
survey also found that NER states had greater
rates of married women participating in
household decision-making than the national
norm. Certain NER states had observed an
increase in FWPR. Women in the Northeast
had a higher working-age population rate than
the national average, although it was typically
lower than men. Female labor participation
was increasing in all states of Northeast India,
except for Assam, and it is now more
significant than the national average. The
study found that Northeast India’s average
FLPR was higher than the national average
due to the presence of tribal dominant states
i n the region. Women’s labor-market
involvement will be increased by increasing
job opportunities based on education and
removing gender-based compensation
discrimination (Kaur, 2016). Higher labor
participation does not automatically result in
improved outcomes; it necessitates more
education and/or assets (Srivastava &
Srivastava, 2010). While education may not
influence a woman’s decision to work, it was
the most essential element in identifying
higher-quality non-agricultural jobs for working women. Women can enter non
agricultural jobs because of their autonomy,
which was characterized as their freedom to
manage their land, travel, and participate in
self-help groups.
While there has been a noticeable increase
in women’s work participation rates in the
north-eastern Indian states, women’s work
participation rates remain significantly lower
than men’s (Pegu, 2015). Regarding women’s
engagement in the workforce, there appears
to be a difference between rural and urban
areas. The northeast states had seen a rise
in women’s literacy, which benefited the
political, social, and ideological domains. All
of this resulted from the beneficial
developments that the area had seen as a
result of training and education. The
percentage of women participating in the
labour sector for rural and urban Assam was
dropping.
Objectives of the study
As per reviews, a few studies related to
fertility by age groups and female labour force
participation in the northeastern states of
India. The nature of policies and programmes
relating to the female labour force at the time
of birth and the kind of employment
marketplaces available in each state of India
appear to be distinct. In this light, more
studies are needed to evaluate Manipur’s
demographic dividend concerning female
labour force participation and fertility. And
also, Manipur’s low economic performance
compared to the other central states of India,
as well as the predominant agriculture-based
employment, has been a source of concern
for this study
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The study strictly used the Registrar General
of India’s census data from 1991, 2001, and
2011.
Description of the Study Framework
The commonly acknowledged age range for
reproduction is 15-49. In Indian society, the
reproduction of a child is generally permitted
solely for married women. Every woman is
characterized by her current age, educational
level, religion, health conditions, and activity.
Such self-characterization allows for the
assessment of the appropriate marriage age.
Various characteristics of different women
determine more than just their age at
marriage. The married women, coordinated
with the above characteristics, also determine
the number of children they can bear in their
reproductive life. On the other hand, age at
marriage also determines the number of
children a woman can bear in her reproductive
lifetime and the woman’s work participation
rate. Again, the number of children born and
work participation also affect each other in
determining each other.
The age at marriage is classified into age
groups- below 15, 16-23, and 24 and above
(for the availability of the census data). Again,
the engaged activities were classified into
Main, Marginal, and Non-worker, as defined
by the census. Total, Rural, Urban, and inter
district comparisons were carried out in the
age at marriage section (except 1991). In the
district-wise analysis, no rural and urban
classification was carried out due to the lack
of urban and rural classification in the hill
districts. Due to the unavailability of the data
for age at marriage and activities in the 1991
census, the 1991 analysis is omitted. In the
section on the age and number of children
born, both total and rural/urban will be
discussed. Simple descriptive statistics were
used for the analysis.
RESULTS & DISCUSSION
Women’s engagement in specific activities
also influences their marriageable age. What
age a woman should marry may be determined
by the activities she has participated in. As the economy improves, women’s educational
attainment increases, and as a result, their
work patterns and ways of generating money
for their families and themselves change. The
age at which a person marries may be
determined by the kind of women they work
with. Women involved in various interests are
more likely to marry later in life. As a result,
it is critical to examine how women’s diverse
activities influence marriage at various ages.
Table No.1. Percentage of Married
Women by their Age at Marriage and
Engage Activities for Manipur, Rural, and
Urban (1991, 2001, and 2011)
Source: Author’s calculation using Census F
3A and F-3B data for 1991 and C-7 data for
2001 and 2011, Manipur.
Table No. 1 illustrates the engagement
activities (Main worker, Marginal worker, and
non-worker) of married women of different
age groups (10-15, 16-23, and 24+) in rural
and urban areas of Manipur and India across
the years 1991, 2001, and 2011. Among the
married women engaged as main workers, it
was observed that Manipur (13.06%) had a
significantly lower proportion of the 10-15
years age group compared to India (35.35%)
in 1991, suggesting that premature marriage
was more prevalent in India than in Manipur.
Among the age group (16-23), the women
engaged as main workers in India had a
consistently higher percentage share,
depicting a larger workforce than in Manipur.
Regarding marginal workers, the percentage
share remained high in both Manipur (5.19%)
and India (15.38%). But those married women
who did not engage (housewives) in any work
activity increased further across all census
years in both Manipur (5.47%) and India
(14.19%). Rural and urban differences,
especially among the main workers, were
generally higher in urban areas than in rural
areas in both Manipur and India, indicating
that more employment opportunities are
available in urban areas.
Table-2 shows the age of marriage as
influenced by married women’s activities by
district. The age at marriage for those under
16 and those between 16 and 23 has been
observed to decrease over the census periods
for all activities, while the age at marriage
for those 24 and older has been observed to
grow for all districts. There were substantially
more married women in Senapati among
unemployed women aged 16 to 23 than
among employed women. Again, there were
more married women from Tamenglong,
among the women aged 16 to 23, who were
engaged in their main activity than those
engaged in other occupations. This picture
contradicts previously established criteria,
which stipulate that a more significant
proportion of married women working in
marginal occupations must choose to marry
between the ages of 16 and 23. In the
Tamenglong and Ukhrul districts, the
proportion of women who were unemployed
at the age of 24 or older was much higher than that of women engaged in primary or
secondary jobs. The preceding requirements,
which specify that the majority of married
women in the principal activity must have
decided to marry at the age of 24 or older,
were also in divergence with this signal.
Nonetheless, most women in the remaining
region who engaged in marginal activities
chose to marry between the ages of 16 and
23. Again, a higher proportion of women in
the remaining districts—aside from
Tamenglong and Ukhrul—choose to marry
when they are 24 years old or older, indicating
that women who marry later in life were
actively involved in their main activity
Table No. 2 District-wise Percentage of
Married Women by their Age at Marriage
and Engage Activities (1991, 2001, and
2011).
Table 3 shows the number of children born to
women who were actively engaged in their
activities. In both Manipur and India, there is
a general trend of declining fertility rates
across all age groups and economic activity
categories from 1991 to 2011. This suggests
the successful implementation of family
planning programs and increasing access to
reproductive healthcare. In 1991, Manipur
generally had higher fertility rates than India
across all age groups and economic activity
categories. Whereas between 2001 & 2011,
the fertility gap between Manipur and India
narrowed, suggesting that fertility rates in
Manipur declined faster. In terms of work
participation, fertility ra tes were generally
higher among main workers than marginal
workers and non-workers in both Manipur and
India. This could be attributed to various
factors, such as later marriage age and
increased family planning access among non
working women.
Table No. 3. Number of children born by
their age groups and their economic
activities attended by Manipur and India
(1991, 2001, and 2011)
CONCLUSION
The present paper is intended to highlight the
changes in the fertility rate and female work
participation along with the different age
groups in Manipur, a northeastern state of
India. The finding suggested that the changes
in work participation patterns over time likely
reflect economic development, urbanization,
and changes in social structures. The increase
in the percentage of non-workers, especially
in the younger (10-15) age group, suggests
improvements in education and changes in
social norms regarding child labor and school
attendance. Further, the high percentage of
marginal workers indicates the significance of
informal employment in Manipur and India,
highlighting the need for policies to support
and formalize this sector. Moreover, the
dynamics of economic growth should be a
concern to improve the participation of the
female labour force in harnessing the
demographic dividend. Unfortunately, the
female work participation rate remains
relatively low compared to many developed
countries, indicating that there is still
significant room for improvement in terms of
gender equality and women’s economic
empowerment.
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Conflict of interest: None
Role of funding source: None
ISSN: 2582-1393 (Online)